

Internetworking and the Threat of Democracy
by DAVE NEAL
From PRACTICAL ANARCHY #10 (Winter 1997/1998)
Part One: Mass Media Versus Massive Media
THE HEADLESS BEAST
There's been a move among think tanks (particularly RAND) and policymakers
to come up with ways of dealing with the "problem" of the Internet.
It seems they are concerned about decentralized, popular, democratized
media, and want to get busy finding ways of bringing the Internet
under control, like the other mass media: newspapers, radio, film,
and television. Characteristically, they use militaristic euphemisms
to define the coming "netwar" of the future, which amounts to the
destruction of popular democracy on the Internet in favor of centralized,
sanitized control.
Much of this has come up in the wake of the Zapatista "misuse"
of the Internet (in the eyes of the power elite). That is, the "wrong"
people making use of available Internet technology to get their
message out worldwide. The "Zapatista Problem," as governments see
it, will only increase in coming years, unless something is done
about it.
Media access generally relies on a "pay to play" basis–that is,
only those who can afford the enormous costs involved get the luxury
to be heard. Now, in bourgeois "democracies" freedom of speech is
endlessly (if facetiously) defended, but the real freedom that matters,
the freedom to be heard, remains safely tucked in the vest pocket
of the person with the financial means to acquire a newspaper, magazine,
a radio or television station, or a movie production company. In
bourgeois "democracies," most have the freedom of speech; the freedom
to be heard, however, carries a very steep price tag. Or it did,
before the Internet came along and messed everything up!
When you look at enormous conglomeration amidst traditional media,
you see that very, very few people own a huge amount of media; very
few people own any media at all! It's definitely not a game your
everyday person can play. You can't go out and buy a radio station
from the corner store, let alone run and broadcast it. You can't
print a 100,000 circulation newspaper out of your basement.
Until recently, that is. Three parallel innovations have come on
the scene–zines, pirate radio, and the Internet, which are democratizing
the media (or at least have the potential to). They arose out of
changing and improving technologies, which lowered the startup costs
involved in media production.
For the first time in decades, the "mass" reappeared in the media,
with amazing rapidity. However, there are still limitations. Zines,
for example, have limited distribution, and are still intimately
tied to the economic wherewithal of the publisher, and depend strongly
on the zeal of the person to take the time and energy to get the
piece out.
Consequently, zines are an acceptable medium from the point of
view of the power elite, because your most popular zine still can't
compete with any established, professional media out there, who
have the money, the distribution network, and the staff to outperform
any amateur efforts. Pirate radio suffers from similar problems,
along with problems of technical expertise and being chased down
by cops, who seek to shut down such "offenders" when they broadcast.
That leaves the Internet, which has aroused the ire of the ruling
class, and has wrinkled many a patrician brow as they figure out
how to stop the "headless beast" (e.g., popular democracy) before
it gets out of hand.
Now, before I proceed, it's vital to note that Internet access
is still an elite medium–several prerequisites are needed: 1) you
have to have access to a computer; 2) you have to have access to
the Internet; 3) you have to know how to use both of the above.
As a result, Internet access for now remains largely upper
and middle class-based–the poor don't have the means to even
access it yet. In fact, from my own experience, working class
people view computers with a mixture of suspicious awe. Some
won't even touch them. This is a useful reaction from the
point of view of the ruling elite, as will be seen later.
But despite this limiting factor, the Internet and the personal
computer have put media into more people's hands since the
time of radio, and that's a cause of considerable concern
among those who actually run this society.
What's worse (again, from the point of view of control of
ideas), is someone with a Web page has worldwide distribution
at extremely low cost! Which is why the perils of the Internet
has been a consistent feature among the Massive Media for
years.
This worldwide distribution capability is why the Internet
scares the ruling class, whereas zines merely earn a smug
grin from them, and pirate radio is ignored as irrelevant.
Prior to the Internet, distribution required money, which
limited your players to those who could be trusted to behave
"responsibly;" now, it only requires the willingness to put
your ideas onto the Net, and awareness how to publicize your
site, and presto–you are suddenly part of the mass media!
Hence we return to the Zapatistas. They took their cause
to the Internet, reaching a wider audience than any rebel
group has ever done before, and they did it by bypassing "propoer"
channels.
In earlier, safer times, you had to rely on the trusted Massive
Media to deliver you the information, which they gathered
for you, and sold to you: now, with the Internet, you can
look on your own, taking the middleman out entirely, going
straight to the source, and it's almost free! Imagine if the
Sandinistas had put out a Web page!
In other words, the Internet has the potential to put the
Massive Media out of business (the business being thought
control), which is why they've made it their personal crusade
to tell folks how dangerous a medium the Internet is! It also
explains why control of this fascinating resource has become
an issue with the government, interest groups, and think tanks
who decide how our "free" society runs.
THE NATURE OF THE BEAST
What are the qualities and abilities of the Internet that
facilitate this democratic impulse that so worries those who
run the show in this society? First off, like any good medium,
the Internet facilitates communication, and is, in fact, faster
and more immediate than any traditional medium out there.
News and information pass along servers at an incredible rate,
in some cases "scooping" the professional news providers.
It is a decentralized, mass distribution network, which forms
the basis for elite opposition to it.
NETIZENS
One "problem" that has arisen based on the enormous value
of the Internet to Business revolves around Internet access
at work. Every day, computers play a more important role in
day-to-day work, particularly as service industries continue
to grow. Computer literacy has become a survival trait among
the disempowered workforce today. E-mail has gone from a novelty
to a necessity in the modern workplace, as fast, reliable,
and cheap communicative means.
What that means is that a generation of computer-literate
workers suddenly found themselves able to access the Internet–quite
unintentionally from the point of view of management–the workplace
adopted the Net for its own purposes, and worker [ab]use of
this medium was an unintended side effect.
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Case in Point
In this talk about how the Internet facilitates communication
between disparate individuals and groups on a level
that the Massive Media simply won't accept, looking
at what has gone into the creation of this issue is
revealing:
For example, on contributor, Andrew Flood, lives in
Dublin, Ireland. I live in Chicago, Joe Average lives
in Kentucky, Alexis in Philadelphia, and Chuck lives
in Maryland. I have never *physically* met any of these
people, yet here we are working together to create a
publication.
How do we know each other? Through the Internet, of
course. I first saw Andrew on the Usenet newsgroup,
alt.society.anarchy. I ran into Chuck via anarchy-list,
an online listserver. We correspond through e-mail,
and in the course of making this issue, file transferred
copies of the articles to each other for editing and
revision. Andrew, Chuck, and I all have our own anarchist
Web pages, which we maintain and update as we see fit
– they are all "works in progress" – there is no endpoint
with them, as new information constantly arises, and
we update them regularly.
Now, if the Internet wasn't around, I would not know
that Chuck or Andrew even existed. We would have been
operating in our respective areas, isolated in a variety
of ways – through geography, vocation, residence, etc.
In fact, pre-Internet, we could all have been in the
same city (assuming a big city, like Chicago or New
York) and might not have known about each other.
So, you see, the Internet possesses enormous potential
for people to network with one another, and to translate
that initial contact into concrete action. This is exactly
the "threat" that so worries the authorities – something
they are working to undo even as you read this.
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Most workers don't have computers at home, but many do have access
to them at work–which means that work computers bypass the economic
barrier that keeps most people off the Internet. In fact, computer-literate
workers bypass all of the barriers I'd mentioned before: computer
access; Internet access; ability to use both.
Ability to use this technology, when paired with inclination to
use it (spurred on by boring work), means that Internet access in
the workplace is a big issue, which makes control of access Priority
One.
This is another part of the impetus to create filtering programs
(see below), to control what people can access on given computers.
For example, there are programs out that allow management to: 1)
determine whether or not you can access the Internet; 2) determine
what you can access on the Internet; 3) determine what you accessed
on the Internet. These programs are of considerable interest to
forward-thinking management, in that the nature of the Internet
is inherently seditious and threatens work discipline. Of course,
the discretion is left entirely to management, who alon can be trusted
to make the right call as to who can and can't have Internet access.
The problem is that Internet access is useful to business, which
is why Intranets are so important (see CyberFiefs, below). The Intranet
will allow workplace connectivity and communication, but in a limited
sense. Communication with the outside world is prevented (for workers)
or discouraged (for lower management) by the existence of an Intranet,
which will carefully control who goes in and out of the given local
network. In other words, an Intranet allows you most of the positive
(e.g., commercial) functions of the Internet, without the negative
(e.g., personal, social) side effects.
Another key constituency on the Internet are young people–teenagers
especially, who have grown up with computers and popular culture
and naturally indulge their curiosity by exploring the Net, most
often from their parent's computers, but also at school, and later
in college (colleges are now using Internet access as a selling
point among them). Young people are far more computer literate than
their elders, and are thus the first true "Internet Generation."
I suspect the Internet is also interesting to young people because
it is interactive–it involves self-directed exploration on the part
of the young person. Whereas older people prefer the passive input
of television, young people, who are already used to television,
find the activity on the Internet exciting.
The communicative means of the Internet, and the willingness of
people to use it, has created an online community–netizens–who are
literally people from all over the world (although currently concentrated
among the industrial North, and further concentrated in the U.S.,
where the technology was first created). People who, pre-Internet,
would have never known each other existed, are suddenly able to
communicate with one another, and share ideas–and realize that others
share their ideas, too. This is the basis upon which social movements
arise.
The political ramifications of this are enormous. Pre-Internet,
people of a given country were forced to rely on middlemen–the Massive
Media–to tell them what's going on where. After the Internet, people
could suddenly do that themselves.
Newsgroups, for example, which are derided (by the Massive Media)
as the cesspool of the Internet, is really a great concept: you
have groups that at least ostensibly reflect particular interests,
and which are frequented by people who espouse that interest, and
wish to talk more about it. The newsgroup became something of a
cybercafe, where folks of all types meet and share ideas. Nowhere
is the anarchy of the Internet better seen than on the "anything
goes" newsgroups.
E-mail listservers, too, provide yet another level of involvement.
So, if you found enough people (usually through newsgroups) who
were interested in a topic, you could then create (and advertise)
a listserve on that topic, and then the program spits out information
automatically to the members of that server. It becomes an instantaneous
forum, although more private than the newsgroup. Whereas the newsgroup
is like a crowded bar, the listserve is a private room at the back
of the bar–a speak-easy where you have to join to get in.
Personal Web pages are the showhorses of the Internet world, where
you can strut your stuff, and, ideally, present worthwhile content.
Whereas listserves and newsgroups aren't visual media, the Web page
is, which further empowers the average netizen considerably, once
they learn how to use HTML and make their own pages. Best of all,
you can put up email, newsgroup, and listserve links on your Web
page, so it ends up being a great way of advertising your ideas–again,
at very low cost, given the exposure you get.
The idea of Internetworking is a new one, and is entirely related
to the democratic, anarchic nature of the Net. Where before, geographical
distance and complete ignorance of one another was the previous
barrier that prevented like-minded people from getting together,
and which forced reliance on media middlemen for information, the
Internet suddenly sweeps all of that away. You get people from all
over the place in touch with each other, and most important of all,
comparing notes. Empowerment and direct action flow around each
other–the more you can do, the more you do; the more you do, the
more you want to do. It's sort of a positive feedback loop.
Sadly, for the authorities, the Internet offers precisely these
types of opportunities to everyday people–exposure to foreign ideas;
meeting new people; sharing interests; Internetworking–all of it
means a more democratic society, but in a truer sense of the word,
rather than in the sham sense of bourgeois democracy.
THE SYSTEM FIGHTS BACK
Clearly a "democratic crisis" (to use the Trilateral Commission's
terminology) was occurring with the Internet, something which far
exceeded the expectations of the Internet's creators (who didn't
factor in the role the personal computer would play in democratizing
computer power)–back when most computers were mainframes, the Internet
was a safe idea, because only rich institutions had them. The personal
computer messed up that cozy, tidy arrangement.
It's important to note that the evolution (or devolution) of the
Internet isn't part of some Master Plot to keep us all enslaved–rather,
it's a natural progression based upon two things: 1) the aversion
to popular democracy inherent in the leadership of all bourgeois
societies; 2) the lack of popular democracy in all bourgeois societies.
Control of communicative means, in the Age of Information, is as
important as control of productive means was, in the Age of Capital.
The language of the authorities puts these things on the level of
"national security." It's no conspiracy–rather, it's simply a logical
progression from an uncontrolled situation to a controlled one,
the former being termed dangerous and bad, the latter viewed as
desirable and good.
THE CDA
First came the predictable clumsy legislative efforts: Senator
Exon's "Communications Decency Act" which was to put the fear of
God into all of us nasty Internet iconoclasts, and show us who was
boss. The rallying cry of "protect the children" was naturally invoked
(as an aside, there are two rallying cries to use, when in doubt:
one is "we have to protect the children" and two is "we have to
fight terrorism" {the latter used to be "we have to fight Communism"
but since Communism's dead, terrorism is the new buzzword of choice]).
However, the CDA was struck down as unconstitutional, so it was
Strike One for the ruling elite, although you can't fault them for
trying.
BREAKING THE BACKBONE
Next came a more indirect, insidious attack on the Internet, which
was the enclosure of it–this occurred in April of 1996, when the
Internet backbone–that is, the server network that made it run,
was handed over free of charge by the National Science Foundation
to private providers like IBM, Sprint, MCI, Sun, and other corporate
entities. The "wilderness" of the Internet suddenly became a massive
Louisiana Purchase, with the existing netizens in the role of Amerindians,
and the companies in the role of settlers (or, more accurately,
the robber barons). This free handover went almost completely without
comment in the Massive Media; I caught a couple of references to
it, but little more. The handover actually paralleled what happened
to radio and television–where public resources were put in private
hands, for private profit, and there they remained, and will remain.
QUALITY CONTROL
Now that the Internet was in private hands, the next step was "quality
control"–taming the intellectual wilderness of the Internet–to render
it as safe and controllable as any other massive medium. This required
more care, as the Internet was found to be of enormous use to the
business community, so one couldn't be too heavy-handed, naturally.
To date, several approaches have been undertaken in settling the
newly privatized Internet.
First, the idea of scarcity of bandwidth was invented; this was
done to raise those startup costs again, which by now you can see
is a consistent theme, where the Massive Media are concerned. By
raising concerns about scarcity of bandwidth, issues of "wise use"
and "resource allocation" became central to the debate. It also
increased the value of the property in question, by declaring there
to be a limited supply of it.
Second, content control was made an issue–this is the use and abuse
of censorware, popularly known as "filtering" programs. In this
way, useless (e.g. noncommercial) material on the Internet could
be denied an audience by declaring it objectionable, and the filtering
programs allowed you to block out all sorts of material. Of course,
they invoked "cyberporn" as the buzzword to get people up in arms
about the apparent porn-o-rama on the Internet, but filtering programs
also made it a habit to block political sites, particularly left-wing
political sites, in the interests of "protecting the children" and
sometimes without justification at all.
Filtering is particularly important where public access of the
Internet is possible–in other words, if the economic barrier to
Internet access couldn't keep most people away from it, you had
to rely on something else to keep wrong ideas away from people/
The two public forums of Internet access–libraries and schools,
are thus the two battlefields for the pro-filtering crowd. If you
can't keep people away from the Internet, what you must do then,
is make sure they can't get anything controversial on the Internet.
Anything controversial becomes anything the filterware providers
decide is controversial.
Third, an attack has grown whereby Internet browsing is to be displaced
in favor of prepackaged, safe product and rating systems. In other
words, the Internet user was to be channeled.toward sanctioned sites,
instead of simply going out and looking around on their own. Self-directed
exploration–browsing–was to be displaced by controlled, passive
Net surfing, much the way a couch potato channel surfs. So the Internet
browser goes from a direct participant–either making their own page
or browsing by keywords for topics of personal interest–to a passive
consumer of prepackaged, homogenous Internet product, which parallels
the traditional Massive Media model.
Fourth, and related to the above, is the development of Web TV,
by Microsoft. Web TV is Microsoft's answer to the computer illiteracy
problem–providing the unwashed masses Web access on their televisions,
so they don't have to use a computer to get to it. This area is
still in development, but it will surely make issues of quality
(e.g. content) control a priority, which will certainly revolve
around expurgating left-wing political views from Web TV so as not
to poison young and impressionable minds.
A rating system for Web TV will almost assuredly go into place,
with some self-appointed censors determining what gets the nod,
and what gets blocked. The rating system itself is a model of bourgeois
maneuvering, in that only sites which get a rating–say, the Ford
Motor Company Web page–will be accessible on Web TV. There are no
bad ratings; rather, there are approved sites, and sites that just
don't get rated, with the tacit assumption that they're not worth
rating. This is a phenomenon common to the postindustrial "free"
society–that which raises uncomfortable questions is simply ignored,
rather than challenged. You can only challenge it when you can no
longer ignore it.
Finally, the next front has opened in the battlefield that is the
Internet, and this is Internet II–in other words, *alternatives*
to the Internet. This will enable all the positive functions of
the Internet to be carried out–date transfer, access to databases
and libraries, etc.–without the "negative" side effects–uncontrolled
popular democracy. When this change occurs, the original Internet
will be in serious jeopardy, in that it will no longer be of use
to Big Business–rather, they will have an alternative to it, which
means that the government will then be able to intervene more forcefully,
since business interests won't be threatened–only amateur, civilian,
popular interests. And, since this "Alternet" will have been made
specifically for business, academic, and military purposes (much
like the first one was), the authorities will work to ensure that
access remains restricted to these groups, so as not to repeat the
same "mistake" that was made with the Internet.
CYBERFIEFS
Another parallel evolution in all of this is the Intranet–that
is, the internal networks that are becoming more common; this is
still being developed as well, but also poses a threat to the Internet,
in that it moves from an overarching structure–the Internet–to a
great void populated by secure cyberspace fiefdoms–Intranets. Access
to these Intranets would be enormously restricted, instead of readily
available as they are now. In fact, the first glimpse of these Intranets
already exist among the more wealthy corporate enclaves, where passwords
and access are tightly regulated and controlled. The evolution of
the Intranet is really a corollary of the original handover–once
the Internet was turned into private property, the creation of Intranets
was inevitable. You staked out "your" claim, and next had to put
up barbed wire around your area, and post "No Trespassing" and "Members
Only" signs all over the place.
WHOOPING COUGHLIN
Alongside all of these developments is the Massive Media, who have
been publicizing Internet horror stories like crazy–which, in PR
circles, is called "creating the need"–in other words, you get enough
people scared of the Internet, and then you can more smoothly create
control mechanisms to get it under control. Sort of invoking Father
Coughlin's ghost as a pretext for more control of an uncontrollable
medium (or a medium that's "out of control").
What we've seen for the past few years in the media are a steady
barrage of stories about children finding information on bomb-building
on the Internet, hate groups on the Internet, child molesters on
the Internet, wives falling in love with Internet correspondents
and leaving their husbands, and so on. From the coverage, you'd
think the Internet invented all of these situations–that before
the Internet, there were no bombs, hate groups, child molesters,
or unhappy relationships!
The media has worked hard to create an atmosphere of fear about
the Internet, in order to pave the way for sterilizing it–making
the Internet safe for "decent folks" to frequent, rather than the
nasty, scary place it is now. It'd be an interesting sociological
study to track media coverage of the Internet from around 1995 to
present–perhaps someone should make a Web page on that, eh? Below
are some of the issues the Massive Media have focused on, in their
attack on the Internet.
BAD PRODUCT
A tactic the Massive Media have undertaken is castigating Internet
"news" as unreliable and downright useless, if not wrong. This has
been a consistent effort to discredit the Internet, seen most obviously
with the TWA Flight 800 story, which continues to thrive on the
Internet.
What Massive Media objected to most directly was new filtering
out through "unauthorized" channels. The Internet is whistle blower's
dream, in that there are a variety of ways of spilling the beans–you
can create an e-mail and post it to listservers; you can e-mail
someone and ask them to pass it along; you could file transfer sensitive
materials, you can announce something on Usenet; you can pass it
along to Webmasters; you can make your own Web page about a particular
topic.
In other words, information control is nearly impossible when you
have a functional Internet and a "wired" populace. The Massive Media
responded by "warning" traditional media consumers that the Internet
is an unreliable source of information, full of crazies, extremists,
political weirdos, conspiracy freaks, neo-Nazis, pornographers,
child molesters–all of those undesirable elements of society (interestingly
enough, corporate profiteers are exempted from this rogue's gallery!)
The unspoken assertion was that if information came from the Internet,
it's junk–with the also unspoken assertion that if something came
from the official (e.g., professional) channel, it was thus worthwhile,
and could be trusted. No "respectable" person would rely on the
Internet for information–rather, you'd rely on trusted (e.g., sanctioned)
channels of information. When respected Massive Media man Pierre
Salinger piped up about Flight 800 information hed' obtained on
the Internet, he was roundly chided and criticized by the industry.
Moreover, the implied view is that if you go out and do your own
research, instead of passively relying on media middlemen, there's
something wrong with you! The "normal" behavior is to simply rely
on others to do the interpretation for you, for the experts to steer
and guide you, and anything else is considered, in the Massive Media
worldview, to be abnormal–almost seditious in character.
This attitude is entirely in keeping with bourgeois notions of
"democracy"--that is, "democracy" is when you passively rely on
the political middleman to represent you, and if you get out of
place, or rely on other methods than that of the middleman, then
you go suddenly from a good citizen to an "extremist," "anarchist,"
"terrorist," or "Communist." It's the same attitude in both government
and media.
This response was a natural one, but has made Internet-bashing
a popular activity among official media spokespeople. I recall a
number of syndicated columnists writing smug pieces mocking the
bad information coming from the Internet, overlooking how selective
and subjective Massive Media is. The Massive Media view is that
if they don't cover it, it's not news. And if you went out and got
your own news, then you were an extremist.
The Internet changes all of that; the media monopoly has been challenged,
and they don't like that. So their attack on the Internet's reliability
has escalated (and no one will contest that there is a huge amount
of junk out there; but then, there's a huge amount of junk in the
Massive media, too, but somehow that's different–professional junk
is okay, but amateur junk is, well, junk).
This attack on the Internet's information quality, incidentally,
reflects the product-driven bias of Massive Media. The traditional
view of media is as a product which is made and sold for the public
(the audience of the publication being the true product, with the
advertiser as the consumer of that product, in terms of ad revenue).
A slickly-produced PR piece, for example, is "good media"–well-executed
and effective (in terms of shaping people's attitudes and thoughts).
Whereas an amateur Web page or even a newsgroup article, is derided
as "bad media" simply because it's not produced in the acceptable
way. If the NY Times or Time run a story, that's one thing–if Joe
Smith of Detroit makes a web page on the newspaper strike, well,
who does he think he is?
In short, the Massive Media most certainly aren't objective in
their bias against the Internet; they rightly see it as a rival–perhaps
the Fifth Estate–to their position of privilege in our society.
But they mask their bias in their concern for the welfare of your
children, even as their programming ensures that children will see
many thousands of murders and acts of violence, and many millions
of advertisements. Who do they think they are?
ENCRYPTION
The "Clipper Chip" debate was yet another area the cultural commissars
explored as a "remedy" for an Internet-related problem–secret communications
between people. Encryption, particularly public key encryption,
exemplified by Zimmerman's PGP, cuts the authorities out of the
information loop. This was considered one of the worst threats posed
by the Internet–information being passed and exchanged that couldn't
be intercepted and read (and the parties in question punished).
Why, you could have people talking about stuff and the government
wouldn't be able to eavesdrop and take notes! Certainly this kind
of free exchange has no place in a free society!
The Clipper Chip was seen as the Final Solution to the "problem"–allowing
a government "back door" for the government to monitor communications.
Of course, to all but the most committed ideologue, the ramifications
of this idea are huge, for a supposedly free society. The government
justified this measure on the grounds that drug dealers and terrorists
would use encryption to maintain communicative integrity, at our
expense. Had the Net been around in the 50s, it would have been
international Communism as the justification for such measures,
but new times required new monsters to scare folks.
Fortunately, three things stymied the Clipper Chip: one was Zimmerman's
free release of PGP on the Internet, which put it in people's hands
even as the Justice Department sought to stop him (notice how the
Net allows the average person to circumvent conventional authority?)
This Johnny Appleseed approach helped PGP spread like wildfire,
and basically made the Justice Department's case moot–although really
the case was about them getting back at Zimmerman for doing it in
the first place.
Secondly, free speech and privacy advocates of all political persuasions
had a field day with the Clipper Chip, working to get this measure
rendered unconstitutional. A working coalition arose around this
issue, which lobbied to stall this measure.
Finally, Big Business didn't want the government able to snoop
on their correspondence, which really helped scuttle the Clipper
Chip. It's one thing for everyday people to oppose government invasions
of their privacy; quite another for companies to voice their disapproval–after
all, companies fund congressmen, and the quickest way to a "representative's"
ear is to tug on their purse strings.
ANONYMOUS REMAILERS
One control mechanism (e.g., "safeguard") the authorities relied
on was that if you sent something on the Internet, you could be
found and held accountable. However, the existence of anonymous
remailers threatened that, in allowing a person to post something
covertly, and for them to be potentially untraceable.
Once more, phantom terrorists and drug dealers were conjured up
as the justification for sacking remailers, in our interest again.
Some noted remailer providers were sacked by some governments, and
their records searched, in an effort to determine who were behind
the anonymous accounts.
An effort was also put into play where anonymity was being used,
to make it unseemly–again, the idea being if you weren't willing
to stand behind you beliefs, that there's either something wrong
with you, or something wrong with what you're espousing.
However, this overlooks the considerable attacks that governments
of the world, particularly the US government, levies against activist
groups. It's risky to be an activist in this type of "free" society–anonymity
has its attractions.
Moreover, what's interesting is that government secrecy is seen
as okay, whereas civilian secrecy is seen as criminal. The CIA continues
to operate on a covert budget, under the aegis of national security.
This is taken as normal and defensible, even though the CIA has
a consistent track record of assassinations, violations of international
law, coups, and wars under its collective belt. But if Joe Citizen
desires secrecy, then he's a criminal, obviously, and must be watched
more closely. It's a power trip inherent with all the authoritarians–they
exempt themselves from the rules they impose on the rest of us.
A WORK IN PROGRESS
These strategies are still coalescing: they have not fully come
together as of yet, but the savants are still working on it. There
is a paradox in all of this–for example, RAND speaks of the value
of the Internet in democratizing our society, while at the same
time seeking to render it a safe medium, as controllable as the
others. In other words, they want the Internet to energize our "democratic"
institutions, but their understanding of what democracy is and means
in antithetical to true democracy.
What's making this a real concern to those in power is that more
people are accessing the Net every month; the size of the "virtual
community" continues to expand, and new issues are arising faster
than legislators can keep track of them. Moreover, as more people
get onto the Net, monitoring agencies like the CIA, FBI, and NSA
will find it progressively more difficult to watch everyone, particularly
if more and more people use PGP and other public key encryption
programs. Clearly, from their perspective, this process must be
stopped before it gets completely out of control.
The end result, if everything proceeds according to the overall
designs of the authorities, is this: by the time, by virtue of declining
costs, everyday working people get their own computers and Internet
access, the Net should be as "safe" as any other conventional medium–which
is to say, devoid of popular democracy, and jam-packed with commercial
enterprise. Only those with the economic clout to garner access
will be able to create Web pages (e.g., product) on the Internet.
It will become a "members only" club like all the other Massive
Media.
Instead of a public forum, it ought to be, if all things go as
expected, more like the world's largest shopping mall. To those
who control our society, this is as democratic as the Internet should
ever get.
NEXT UP
Part Two: Infowarriors
Dave
Anarchy for Anybody
http://www.radio4all.org/anarchy/
Email: editors@practicalanarchy.org
Updated: April 3, 2000
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